Showing posts with label Cultures. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Cultures. Show all posts

Wednesday, 23 November 2011

Rajah Karuhun

 Sebagai suatu suku, masyarakat Sunda memiliki kebudayaan yang agung yang mampu memberikan suatu nilai kehidupan serta ajaran untuk peegangan hidup dalam segala aspek kehidupan. Kesenian sebagai bagian dari suatu unsur kebudayaan tidak terlepas juga keberadaannya di masyarakat Sunda. Seperti dalam Syair " Rajah Karuhun " yang didalamnya memiliki sutuu nilai kehidupan dan bagaimana mengharagai ssatu sama lain sebagai cerminan dari masyarakat Sunda yang terkenal dengan Luhung serta memiliki budi pekerti yang agung. Kepribadian masyarakat sunda ini terlihat dalam kata - kata bijak yang mengandung falsafah Masyarakat Sunda yakni dalam " Gemah Ripah Repeh Rapih, Silih Asah Silih Asih Silih Asuh ".
Di bawah ini syair Rajah Karuhun yang memiliki makna Filosofis dalam. Untuk mendownload MP3 nya silakan lihat di labels " DOWNLOAD ".
RAJAH KARUHUN

lain ngusik ulam mandi na...

lain ngahudang macan turun na...

lain ngungkit nu kamari,,,

lain ngungkat nu baheula,,,

rek ngaguar tutungkusan karuhun...

amit ampun nya paralun.... ka gusti anu maha agung

kanabi anu linuhung.... Muhamad anu jinunjung

rahmat sapaat nu kasuhun....simkuring neda papayung

kaluhur neda papayung…. Papayung anu maha agung

ka handap neda pangraksa… pangraksa maha kawasa

kaler kulon kidul wetan… mugi di aping di garing

tiluluhur ti karuhun ti buyut ti nini aki

nu nurunkeun kabudayaan

degung pantun tembang kawih

iyeu abdi sadayana…..

seja ngaraksa mupusti seja ngaraksa mupusti

amit kanu mangku lembur… kanu nyungsi dinu sepi

nu keur genah tumaninah

bisi kausik keur calik…ka langkah kaliliwatan

nya neda agung nya karaksaning

Tuesday, 22 November 2011

Kujang

The Kujang is a weapon with origins in Indonesia. Specifically, the weapon comes from the island of Java. The Kujang played an important role in the history of Indonesia, both politically and religiously. Today, the the Kujang is still a popular artifact that can be found displayed not only in museums, but also in people's homes.
The Kujang is a uniquely-designed weapon. The shape of the blade is often difficult to describe because it differs so drastically from conventional and contemporary structure. Some refer to the Kujang as a knife, because it is a short-bladed weapon with a handle. The tip of the blade can bear a passing resemblance to the convex sweep of a scimitar blade. Others apply the term “sickle,” because the overall shape of the blade bears some resemblance to this common harvesting tool.

The Origins Of The Kujang

The Kujang has a very important place in the history of Indonesia. In the early history of the islands, there were several different groups present and conflict was quite common. The battles between ethnic groups could be quite fierce, and every man carried a knife and learned to use it at an early age. Control of land often shifted from one group to another. All of this conflict made it easy for other nations to exploit the peoples of Indonesia in their quest for trade as the centuries progressed. 

The predecessor of the Kujang was not a knife, however; a farming tool widely used from the 4th to 7th centuries A.D. for tilling the land was what the first Kujang was modeled after. Mpu Windusarpo, Mpu Mercukundo and Mpu Ramayadi are the blacksmiths credited with creating the original Kujang. The Kujang slowly became associated with the nobility and royalty of the various peoples inhabiting the island of Java. Many museums in Indonesia have Kujang on display that were created by one of these great men. These early examples of Kujang bear little similarity to the Kujang that are more familiar today. 

From the 9th to the 12th centuries A.D., the Kujang underwent many minor transformations. In 1170, it took a shape that more closely resembles the Kujang that people display in their homes today. Prabu Kudo Lalean and Mpu Windu Supo are credited with this more radical modification to the Kujang. Prabu Kudo Lalean was the leader of the Pajajaran Makukuhan kingdom in the west of Java. Mpu Windu Supo was a weapon-smith. 

Prabu Kudo Lalean had a vision that instructed him to change the Kujang in two distinct ways. He commissioned Mpu Windu Supo to create this new Kujang. Before Mpu Windu Supo would agree, he meditated on what his king had asked him to do. At the end of his meditation, he revealed that he had been shown the same vision went to work on the Kujang. From this point forward, the Kujang was no longer suitable for tilling the ground, and was not designed to be an effective weapon either; it had been transformed into a talisman of power. As the years passed, its power as a symbol grew and took firm hold in the culture of Indonesia.

The Kujang Design

The Kujang which Mpu Windu Supo produced was more a work of art than a weapon or farming tool. The basic shape of the blade remained curved, but the characteristics were changed to resemble the island of Djawa Dwipa. Today, the island of Djawa Dwipa is known as Java. This shape made the Kujang a symbol of the power of the Pajajaran Makukuhan. It presented the island and its inhabitants as a unified group, lead by the Pajajaran Makukuhan. The other important feature Mpu Windu Supo created in the Kujang was the presence of three holes in the blade. These holes represented Shiva, Vishnu and Brahma, the Hindu Trinity. Prabu Kudo Lalean was a devout Hindu. 

The Kujang was transformed again in the late 15th or early 16th century, when Islam was becoming a rising force in the region. Prabu Kian Santang ordered the Kujang shape be modified to more closely resemble the Arabic letter Syin. Syin is the first letter of the syahadat verse that must be recited to convert to Islam. Prabu Kian also added two more holes to the blade. The five holes represent Shahada, Salat, Sawm, Zakat and Hajj; the five pillars of Islam. 

The handle, or hilt, is often made from wood and sometimes possesses intricate carvings. These may be of a religious nature or simply be images that are pleasing to the owner or creator of the Kujang.

The Secular Influence Of The Kujang

By combining features that symbolized religion and political unity, the Kujang became a talisman of great power. When Prabu Kudo Lalean dictated the specific changes to be made the design, he did so after a religious vision showed him what it should look like. His weapon-smith did not act immediately on his king's request. Instead, he meditated, and after he had the same religious vision of the new Kujang, he started work on it. 

The fact that both the king and his weapon-smith had a divine revelation about the Kujang gave the weapon immediate and lasting power as a religious artifact. When finished, it was believed to possess mystical qualities. It was also believed to embody Hindu philosophy. 

This secular power was only reinforced when Prabu Kian Santang ordered it modified to incorporate aspects of Islam. Rather than being possessed of religious spirituality, the Kujang was intended to symbolize Islam and its tenants to the Kujang's possessor. 

Today, the Kujang are believed to provide luck, honor and protection. A pair of Kujang are often displayed in homes with the inner blades facing each other. 

The unique curves and features of the blade make it unsuitable for use as a weapon in battle. The form the Kujang took from the 12th century forward also made it impractical as a farming tool. Despite its lack of utilitarian qualities, the Kujang is a very important artifact in Indonesia and continues to be revered to this day. 

Sumber : http://www.kujang.net/

Monday, 21 November 2011

Leopard 1

The Leopard (or Leopard 1) is a main battle tank designed and produced in West Germany that first entered service in 1965. Developed in an era when HEAT warheads were thought to make conventional heavy armour of limited value, the Leopard focussed on firepower in the form of the German-built version of the British L7 105-mm gun, and improved cross-country performance that was unmatched by other designs of the era.
 
The design started as a collaborative project between Germany and France in the 1950s, but the partnership ended and the final design was ordered by the Bundeswehr, production starting in 1965. In total 6,485 Leopard tanks have been built, of which 4,744 were battle tanks and 1741 were utility and anti-aircraft variants, not including eighty prototypes and pre-series vehicles.

The Leopard quickly became a standard of European forces, and eventually served as the main battle tank in over a dozen countries worldwide. Since 1990, the Leopard 1 has gradually been relegated to secondary roles in most armies. In the German Army, the Leopard 1 MBTs have been phased out in 2003 while Leopard 1 derived vehicles are still widely used. The Leopard 2 MBTs have taken over the MBT role. Leopard hulls have been re-used in a wide variety of roles.



Leopard 1

The Leopard project started in November 1956 in order to develop a modern tank, the Standard-Panzer, to replace the Bundeswehr's American-built M47 and M48 Patton tanks, which, though just delivered to West Germany's recently reconstituted army, were rapidly growing outdated. On 25 July 1957 the detailed specifications were released; the new design needed to weigh no more than thirty metric tons, have a power-to-weight ratio of thirty horsepower per ton, be able to withstand hits by 20 mm rapid-fire guns on every side as well as operate in a battlefield contaminated with chemical weapons or radioactive fallout, the then-standard baseline for combat with the Warsaw Pact. In addition the main armament had to consist of a 105 mm caliber weapon (the new British L7A3 105 mm gun was selected), carrying at least as many rounds as current US tank designs. Mobility was the priority while firepower came second; armour was seen as less essential, as it was believed no real protection against hollow charge weapons was possible anyway.
 
France was very interested in the design as its own AMX 50 project had just failed. In June 1957, West Germany and the French Fourth Republic signed an agreement to develop a common tank, designated in German Europa-Panzer. Three German (Arbeitsgruppe A, B and C) and one French design team would be included in a competition, with each team producing two prototypes each. In September, 1958 Italy joined the development program. Several prototypes were entered for testing in 1960. Among the prototypes were Porsche's Model 734 from team A, sporting a cast turret and that of team B (Rheinmetall) whose cast turret was somewhat higher. Team C from Borgward, designing a very futuristic tank, failed to have a prototype ready in time.

Even before these first prototypes were finished, it had (in 1959) been decided that a second phase with improved designs would be started: Team A had to build 26 phase II Prototypes for testing, team B six. Only two tanks of the required six would actually be constructed by team B.

The Porsche Prototype II was eventually selected as the winner of the contest in 1963; this did not come as a surprise: it had already been decided in 1961 to build a preseries of fifty vehicles based on this design; production of these was started that very year. This "0-series" was modified with a new cast turret and several hull changes to raise the rear deck to provide more room in the engine compartment, and move some of the radiators to the upper sides of the hull. Before mass production of the standard version started it was also decided to add an optical range-finding system for better long-range gunnery, which required the turret to be somewhat taller, and added "bumps" on either side of the turret to mount the optics for triangulation. In 1963 France and Germany had decided to each build their own tank; Germany continued with the Leopard, while France built the similar AMX-30.

Production was set up at Krauss-Maffei of Munich from early 1964 onward, with deliveries of the first batch between September, 1965 and July, 1966. The Leopard was soon being purchased from Germany by a number of NATO members and other allies including in chronological order Belgium (1968), the Netherlands (1969), Norway (1970), Italy (1971), Denmark (1976), Australia (1976), Canada (1978), Turkey (1980) and Greece (1981). Germany has a strict export policy for military equipment; Greece, Spain and Chile, while still dictatorships, purchased the French AMX-30.

Leopard 1A1

After the first batch was delivered the next three batches were the Leopard 1A1 model, which included a new gun stabilization system from Cadillac-Gage, allowing the tank to fire effectively on the move. The 1A1 also added the now-famous "skirts" along the sides to protect the upper tracks, and a new thermal jacket on the gun barrel to control heating. A less important change was to use rectangular rubber blocks fastened to the treads with a single pin instead of the earlier two-pin "shaped" versions. The rubber blocks could be easily replaced with metal X-shaped crampons for movement on ice and snow in the winter.
Between 1974 and 1977 all of the machines in the first four batches were brought to the same Leopard 1A1A1 standard, and given additional turret armor developed by Blohm & Voss. A further upgrade in the 1980s added leftover image-intensifier night sights which were being handed down from the Leopard 2 as they were themselves upgraded. The PZB 200 image intensification system was mounted in a large box on the upper right of the gun, creating the Leopard 1A1A2. A further upgrade with SEM80/90 all-digital radios created the Leopard 1A1A3.

Leopard 1A2

The first 232 tanks of the fifth production batch was delivered as the Leopard 1A2 between 1972 and 1974. The A2 included a heavier and better armored turret, and therefore did not receive the B&V armor add-ons as did the earlier machines. They did receive the other upgrades however; the Leopard 1A2A1 received the PZB 200, the Leopard 1A2A2 received digital radios, and the Leopard 1A2A3 got both.

Leopard 1A3

The next 110 vehicles in the fifth batch were fitted with a new welded turret, which was equipped with a new armour consisting of two spaced steel plates with a plastic filling between them, and a wedge-shaped gun mantlet, creating the Leopard 1A3. Although the level of armor area density was equivalent to the A2's new welded version, the internal volume was increased by 1.2 m³ and the effective protection level was increased by half. The improved TRP 2A independent sight was installed for the commander. Upgrades were identical to the 1A2 models, the Leopard 1A3A1 with the night sights, Leopard 1A3A2 with the new radios, and the Leopard 1A3A3 with both.

Leopard 1A4

The Leopard 1A4 formed the sixth batch of 250 vehicles, delivery starting in 1974. The 1A4 was externally similar to the 1A3, but included a new computerized fire control system and the new EMES 12A1 sighting system to aim it. In addition the commander was provided with his own independent night sighting system, the PERI R12. The new equipment used up space and the ammunition load was reduced to 55 rounds, of which 42 were stored in the magazine to the left of the driver.

Leopard 1A5

In 1980 a research program was undertaken to study further improvements to the Leopard 1, providing it with a completely modern fire control system and fully effective night/bad-weather vision system. This was going to require even more room than the larger turret from the 1A3/1A4 models, so the decision was made to base the upgrades on the earlier models which were no longer competitive.

The resulting Leopard 1A5 was based on 1339 vehicles of the Leopard 1A1A1 model. The turrets were again modified for the 1A5, with a larger section at the back, both in order to store all of the new equipment, as well as to move more of the ammunition into the rear turret, as opposed to the left side of the driver where it had traditionally been stored. The storage locker extended the turret almost to the rear of the tank when the gun was facing forward. The new turret was also able to mount the newer 120 mm gun from the Leopard 2 if desired, although this option has not been used.

After trials the Krupp-Atlas Elektronik EMES 18 fire control system was selected in December 1983, developed from the EMES 15 used on the Leopard 2. The EMES 18 included two new sights on to the top of the turret, and no longer required the "bumps" as did the earlier optical systems. A crucial part of the upgrade was the introduction of more effective ammunition, including new APFSDS rounds. The Leopard tank could also be fitted with bolt-on lexan armour panels, which have increased the effectiveness of the armour. These "modified" tanks have proved themselves in the field. The first modified vehicle was delivered in early 1987. Since then almost all users of the Leopard 1 have also applied similar changes to their own vehicles, and in most ways the 1A5 can be considered the "standard" Leopard 1 today.

Leopard 1A6

A single 1A1A1 was also modified with additional armor on the turret and had the 120 mm gun as the Leopard 1A6. The project was ended in 1987, as the Leopard 2 was in widespread service at this point and the 1A5 offered a reasonable upgrade path for a fraction of the cost.

Modified and derivative vehicles 

Simultaneous to the production of the battle tanks a number of engineering, bridging and recovery vehicles was developed, as well as a number of versions used in the anti-aircraft role.
In the Netherlands, there is an improved version equivalent to the A5 called "Leopard 1 Verbeterd" (improved), the same version is used by the Chilean Army. The most well known Leopard variants are the Engineer Vehicle Bergepanzer and the Anti-Aircraft Gun Gepard. The Warsaw Pact equivalent of the Gepard is the ZSU-23-4. There was also a British SPAAG version called Leopard Marksman, which was equipped with the Marksman turret.
The Canadian Land Forces operate the Beaver bridgelayer, Taurus ARV, and Badger AEV, all based on the Leopard 1.

The United Kingdom's Royal Marines operate a vehicle known as the Hippo BARV (or Beach Armoured Recovery Vehicle). The Hippo is a conversion by ALVIS Moelv of a Leopard 1A5 chassis. The main alteration has been the replacement of the turret with a raised superstructure which resembling the wheelhouse of a boat. The original 830 hp (634 kW) diesel engine has been retained but the gearing of the transmission had been lowered, reducing the vehicle's road speed to 32 km/h (20 mph), but increasing tractive effort to 250 kN (56,000 lbf). Other modifications include the addition of working platforms, a nosing block, raised air intakes and an Auxiliary power unit; this has raised the weight of the vehicle from 42.5 tonnes to 50 tonnes. The Hippo has a fording depth of 2.95 m (10 ft) and can pull vehicles up to 50 tonnes weight or push off from the beach a 240 tonne displacement landing craft.

Gilded Leopard, Eber and Keiler

Almost as soon as the Leopard was introduced into service in 1965, Porsche was awarded a contract to study further improvements to the existing design, while waiting deliveries of the MBT-70 in the mid-1970s. This original Gilded Leopard (vergoldeter Leopard) program expired in 1967 with no production order. In that year it had already become obvious that the MBT-70 would be a failure. The agreement between the USA and the BRD forbade any national development of an MBT apart from technological experimentation, so a new tank project was begun under the designation of Experimentalentwicklung or "experimental development", two prototypes of which were built.

When the MBT-70 program was ended a further contract was offered under the name Boar (Eber), with an emphasis on using as many technologies from the MBT-70 as possible, but without the problematic combined gun - rocket launcher. Two prototype vehicles were constructed using a new chassis from Porsche with the road wheels from the MBT-70 and the original Leopard engine, combined with a new Wegmann turret mounting the MBT-70's Rheinmetall 120 mm smoothbore gun (although some also mounted the original 105 mm). These were considered promising enough that seven more were ordered, this time powered by the MTU engine designed for the MBT-70. When this happened the Experimentalentwicklung team went public with their alternative design which they called the Keiler (a synonym of Eber). In 1971 the minister of defence, Helmut Schmidt, decided to abandon the Eber-project and build seventeen prototypes of a Leopard 2, based on the Keiler design, which had a turret with spaced sloped armour. The maximum weight was to be fifty metric tons.

During the 1973 Yom Kippur War, 1950s and 1960s generation tanks were badly beaten by wire-guided missiles, and it was realized that dramatically improved armor protection was needed. The decision was made to allow the tank to increase its weight to the next classification, Military Loading Class 60 (tonnes), and a new design effort was started, with the spaced armour replaced with a much denser perforated armour assemblage. The new design would go on to augment and after the Cold War sometimes replace the Leopard in many countries' armies.

Operators

Countries that are current or former Leopard 1 operators:
  • Australia — 71; 90 Leopard 1A3s were originally delivered as Leopard AS1, later upgraded, and since replaced by 59 M1A1 Abrams from the US
  • Belgium — 132 Leopard 1A5s(BE); 334 originally; all were originally going to been replaced by 40 Mowag Piranha III with a 90 mm canon (which are going to be resailed). 40 Leopards are to remain in service.
  • Brazil — 128 Leopard 1A1s and 250 Leopard 1A5s
  • Canada — 114 Leopard C2s (updated Leopard 1A5), reduced to 66 in the early 2000s. The Leopard C2 are likely to remain in active service until 2015.[2] The 66 Leopard C2 are gradually replaced with the Leopard 2's purchased from the Netherlands and Germany.
  • Chile — 202 Leopard 1Vs, reduced to 150; 120 remaining in service.
  • Denmark — 230 Replaced with Leopard 2. Only ARVs and Bridgelayers remain in service
  • Ecuador — 30 Leopard 1Vs from Chile[3]
  • Germany — 2,437 originally. They were replaced by the Leopard 2. Remaining Leopard 1 tanks in long-term storage for resale.
  • Greece — 520 Leopard 1A5GR in service,104 Leopard 1A3/A4GR and 70 Leopard 1V/INL are converted to support vehicles,parts and the rest will be scrapped.
  • Italy — 720 (600 A2s, 120 A5s) retired by the end of 2008 (replaced by Ariete main battle tank), the AEVs, ARVs and ABLVs remain in service. 120 Leopard 1 A5 kept in reserve.
  • Lebanon — 43 ex-Belgian Leopard 1A5(BE)s to be delivered.
  • Netherlands — 468 originally; replaced with Leopard 2. Only ARVs and Bridgelayers remain in service.
  • Norway — 172 originally; Replaced with Leopard 2. Five remaining Leopard 1A5 NO2 in the Norwegian Army Battle Squadron, ARVs and Bridgelayers also remain in service
  • Turkey — 337[4]
  • United Kingdom — 4 Leopard 1A5 hulls have been adapted through extensive modification to create the Hippo BARV (armoured amphibious recovery vehicles)

Australia

Leopard tanks first arrived in Australia from Germany in 1976, ending a selection and trial process (against the US M60[5] series) which started in 1971 when the army decided it needed a replacement for its British Centurions which had served since 1952.
In March 2004, the decision was made to replace the Leopard 1 with reconditioned US M1A1 Abrams AIM.[6]

The first 18 of 59 M1A1 Abrams arrived in September 2006. The M88A2 Hercules is concurrently replacing the Leopard family of support variants in Australian service. The Leopard 1 was operated by the 1st Armoured Regiment and was officially withdrawn from service in July 2007. Their guns were never fired in anger.

Canada

 

Canada acquired 127 Leopard C1 tanks (equivalent to Leopard 1A3 with laser rangefinder), in 1978–79 for its Land Forces, with 114 being put into service. Most of these tanks were stationed in Germany during the Cold War, with a few retained at Canadian Forces Base Gagetown, New Brunswick for training.
While investigating the possibilities of increasing the Leopards' armour prior to a refit, turret armour upon close-up inspection was 1.5" + turret wall cast .75" steel, 'belly' armour was approx. 2.25" + cast frame steel 0.75" steel, skirt covering treads (tracks) was 1" rubber - not steel, but additional armour was applied on the forward half of the skirt during the refit - although only a small handful of C1s received a complete refit. The refit also included adding thermal night-vision equipment, five or six Leopard C1 tanks had an extremely thick MEXAS appliqué armour kit applied, made by German firm IBD Deisenroth Engineering. These tanks, designated Leopard C1A1, served with Lord Strathcona's Horse (Royal Canadians) in the 1999 KFOR mission in Kosovo. They were later upgraded with the same sights and fire-control system as the Leopard C2 (see below).

Starting in 2000, the 114 Leopard C1 tanks in service were upgraded to C2 standard at a cost of CAD $139 million. The turrets of 123 surplus Leopard 1A5 tanks purchased from the German Defence Ministry were fitted into the existing hulls (nine turrets were reserved for spare parts and training), and the German tank hulls sold back to the upgrade contractor. The Leopard C2 is also equipped with thermal sights and EMES 18 fire-control system. Eighteen Leopard Crew Gunnery Trainers were purchased at the same time.
Canada also operates the Leopard 1-based Beaver Bridgelayer and Taurus Armoured Recovery Vehicle, bought with the original Leopard C1, and the Badger Armoured Engineer Vehicle with a dozer blade and excavator bucket, which entered service in 1990.

A number of the Canadian Leopard tanks were pulled out of service during the 2000s in anticipation of replacing them with the eight-wheeled Mobile Gun System, but these plans were put on hold. Of the obsolescent tanks, 23 were sold to companies in North America, 4 put in museums or used as monuments (including two at the Bovington Tank Museum),[7] and 21 used as hard targets on ranges. The Canadian Army web site list indicates that 66 Leopard C2 remain in service.[1]

Canada sent a squadron of Lord Strathcona's Horse (Royal Canadians) to Afghanistan in the fall of 2006, equipped with fifteen Leopard C2 tanks with add-on armour, as well as two recovery vehicles and two engineering vehicles.[2][3] The armoured squadron is intended to provide convoy protection, supporting Canada's Provincial Reconstruction Teams and other organizations equipped with lighter vehicles. The first tanks arrived in Kandahar in mid-October 2006.[4] On December 2, 2006 the Leopards stationed in Kandahar entered the field, marking the first time since the Korean War that a Canadian armoured squadron had sent tanks into an active war zone, and fired their guns in combat for the first time in as many years on the following day in response to a Taliban rocket attack.

After an initial assessment of the performance of the Leopard C2 in Afghanistan, Canada decided to invest in Leopard 2 tanks. It was determined that the lack of adequate air conditioning (essential in the searing heat of Afghanistan,) was degrading the tank crew's war fighting ability.[8] The Army later downplayed this factor, citing increased armour protection and the main gun armament as reasons for upgrading to the Leopard 2.[9] After some public speculation, Canadian Defence minister Hon. Gordon O'Connor clarified the situation on Thursday, April 12, 2007.[5]

To meet immediate needs in Afghanistan, twenty of the Bundeswehr's stock of Leopard 2A6s were upgraded to 2A6M standard and loaned to Canada at no cost by the German government. Two Leopard 2 Büffel Armoured Recovery Vehicles were acquired at the same time. These vehicles were shipped from Germany to Afghanistan, with the first arriving on August 16, 2007.[10]

For the long term, Canada plans to replace the borrowed Leopard 2 tanks with a purchase of 100 surplus vehicles from the Netherlands, including 40 Leopard 2A6Ms for combat service, 40 Leopard 2A4s for training, and 20 support vehicles, such as Armoured Recovery Vehicles, Bridge-Layers and Armoured Engineer vehicles.

The older Leopard C2 tanks are considered to become completely obsolete by 2015, but specific plans for them have not yet been announced. Up until deployment with the Canadian Forces in Afghanistan the Leopard 1 C2 had never seen active combat.[11]

Turkey

The Turkish Army is upgrading its Leopard 1 tanks to a version called the Leopard 1T. The modernization program includes the serial production and integration of the Volkan fire control system developed by Aselsan.[12] The new indigenous system provides the capability of detecting the targets in daylight or at night in all weather conditions and combat environments. It highly increases the first round hit probability on the move.

Denmark

In 1976 Denmark acquired 120 Leopard 1A3 tanks, which were designated Leopard 1 DK. This was completed in 1978. In 1992 Denmark acquired another 110 1A3 tanks (partly through Conventional Forces Europe treaty AFV reduction requirements.) These tanks were upgraded to Leopard 1A5-DK along with the first 120 Leopards which were not identical to the German 1A5 with welded turrets. Denmark had a total of 230 Leopard 1A5-DKs.

These Leopards were involved in one of the most important engagements in modern Danish military history. Denmark was the only Scandinavian country to send a significant tank force to support their peacekeeping operations in Croatia and Bosnia. During Operation Bøllebank and Operation Amanda, in 1994, these tanks successfully engaged hostile Serbian forces. This is believed to be the first hostile engagement involving the Leopard 1 tank.

Italy

Italy placed its first order for the Leopard 1 in 1970, with 200 delivered between 1971 and 1972. The vehicles replaced mainly the M47 Patton in the armoured units of the Italian Army. A further 400 Leopard 1s were built in Italy by OTO Melara starting in 1974, with a second batch of 120 build by OTO Melara between 1980 and 1983. All Italian Leopards were the A2 variant. Italy ordered a further 69 Bergeleopards (ARV) in Germany with another batch of 67 built in Italy by OTO Melara. The Pionierleopard (AEV) was ordered only in 1985, with 12 produced in Germany and 28 in Italy. 64 Bibers (AVLB) were assembled by OTO Melara.

At the end of the Cold War the Italian Army began an upgrade and a downsizing of its armoured units, the M60 along with a number of Leopards were retired in 1991. In 1995 Italy bought 120 A5 surplus turrets from the Bundeswehr, which were mounted on the same number of reworked A2 hulls. These tanks took part in the various peacekeeping missions in the Balkans, but they never saw action.

The last A2 was retired in 2003, with the last A5 going in 2008, leaving the Ariete as the sole tank in Italian service. The AEVs, ARVs, and AVLBs have been reduced in number and some have been modified to work with the Ariete, they are stated to serve some more years as no replacement has been selected yet.

 


Sumber : http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Leopard_1

Thursday, 10 November 2011

Kampung Adat Naga

Tulisan ini, bertujuan untuk memberikan gambaran mengenai berbagai tradisi yang masih hidup dan dipertahankan oleh masyarakat Kampung adat. Dan diharapkan dapat dijadikan bahan masukan bagi pihak-pihak yang berkepentingan dengan masalah kebudayaan. Juga bisa dijadikan sebagai bahan masukan bagi pemerintah dalam menyusun dan mengoperasionalkan program-program pembangunan dengan mempertimbangkan aspek-aspek budaya masyarakat. Kebudayaan adalah hasil kreativitas manusia untuk menghadapi tantangan hidupnya. Atau merupakan hasil kumulasi dari seluruh aspek kehidupan masyarakat pendukungnya dalam memenuhi kebutuhannya. Oleh karena itu, kebudayaan merupakan satu kesatuan yang tak dapat dipisahkan dari kehidupan nyata. Kebudayaan bukanlah milik perseorangan melainkan milik masyarakat. Oleh karena itu, kebudayaan dan masyarakat merupakan satu kesatuan yang tidak dapat dipisahkan satu dengan lainnya. Kebudayaan tidak mungkin timbul tanpa adanya masyarakat dan eksistensi masyarakat itu sendiri dimungkinkan oleh adanya kebudayaan (Harsojo, 1982 : 144). Kesinambungan hidup, masyarakat dari masa ke masa terjaga dengan adanya kebudayaan, melalui pewarisan sejumlah tradisi yang berkaitan dengan berbagai aspek kehidupan masyarakat dan merupakan akumulasi kebiasaan-kebiasaan hidup yang telah diakui keberadaannya oleh masyarakat tersebut. Yudistira Garna dalam makalahnya mengenai perubahan sosial di Indonesia menjelaskan bahwa tradisi yang ada di dalam setiap masyarakat adalah tatanan sosial yang berwujud mapan, baik mapan sebagai bentuk hubungan antara unsur-unsur kehidupan maupun sebagai bentuk aturan sosial yang memberi pedoman tingkah laku dan tindakan anggota suatu masyarakat. Tak mengherankan kalau tradisi merupakan warisan sosial budaya yang selalu ingin dipertahankan oleh warga masyarakat pendukungnya sebagai identitas penting kehidupan mereka. Selanjutnya dikatakan bahwa dalam suatu kebudayaan selalu ada suatu kebebasan tertentu pada para individu. Kebebasan individu tersebut memperkenalkan variasi dalam cara-cara berlaku dan variasi itu pada akhirnya dapat menjadi milik bersama. Dengan demikian, di kemudian hari ia akan menjadi bagian dari kebudayaan atau mungkin beberapa aspek dari lingkungannya akan mempengaruhi perubahan yang memerlukan proses adaptasi.

Gelombang modernisasi merupakan fenomena sosial yang menyertai dinamika hidup masyarakat. Modernisasi yang dalam hal ini diartikan sebagai usaha untuk hidup sesuai dengan jaman dan konstelasi dunia sekarang (Koentjaraningrat, 1983 : 140-141), semakin dipertajam dengan berlangsungnya era globalisasi seperti sekarang ini, yang merebak ke dalam berbagai aspek kehidupan masyarakat. Modernisasi sebagai konsep dalam kepustakaan ilmu-ilmu sosial dapat diartikan sebagai suatu sikap pikiran yang mempunyai kecenderungan untuk mendahulukan sesuatu yang baru daripada yang bersifat tradisi, dan satu pikiran yang hendak menyesuaikan soal-soal yang sudah menetap dan menjadi adat kepada kebutuhan-kebutuhan yang baru (Harsojo, 1982 : 265). Sementara itu globalisasi / era kejagatan seringkali dimuati unsur-unsur budaya asing yang keberadaannya perlu dikaji lebih jauh kesesuaiannya dengan kebudayaan kita. 

Menghadapi fenomena-fenomena sosial tersebut, tatanan hidup masyarakat yang berupa sejumlah tradisi penting dan menjadi pedoman hidup suatu masyarakat eksistensinya dipertaruhkan. Dalam hal ini, Yudistira Garna berpendapat bahwa pengaruh luar cenderung merupakan suatu kekuatan mutlak yang tidak mudah ditolak oleh masyarakat setempat, tetapi walaupun demikian kebudayaan tradisional memiliki mekanisme untuk menghindarkan diri atau memiliki strategi budaya yang tidak secara mentah-mentah tertelan pengaruh luar tersebut. Lebih jauh dijelaskan bahwa dinamika sosial yang terjadi ditunjukkan oleh cara-cara pengambilalihan unsur sosial atau budaya luar yang karena menghadapi ruang dan waktu memerlukan sikap dan tindakan yang akomodatif dari para anggota masyarakat yang hakekatnya tiada lain adalah untuk mengembangkan kehidupan mereka. 

Negara Republik Indonesia yang wilayahnya sangat luas, merupakan sebuah negara besar yang dihuni oleh penduduk dalam jumlah yang besar pula, yakni lebih dari 260 juta jiwa. Penduduk di wilayah tersebut terdiri atas sejumlah kelompok masyarakat yang tinggal menyebar di berbagai pulau yang membentang dari ujung barat hingga ke ujung timur. Kelompok-kelompok masyarakat tersebut memiliki latar belakang budaya yang berbeda satu sama lainnya, dan perbedaan tersebut dapat memberikan gambaran jati diri yang khas bagi setiap kelompok masyarakat yang memilikinya. Sudah tentu beragamnya kelompok masyarakat berikut karakteristik budaya yang mereka miliki mewarnai kehidupan berbangsa dan bernegara. Melihat kenyataan bahwa masyarakat Indonesia sangat heterogen, sudah tentu tidaklah mudah untuk menciptakan kondisi yang selaras dengan tujuan pembangunan nasional. Ada kemungkinan karena mereka dapat menerima pembaharuan atau modernisasi, baik yang berasal dari program-program pembangunan maupun yang diperoleh melalui arus informasi akibat desakan globalisasi yang terjadi pada saat ini. Namun tak bisa dipungkiri pula kalau hingga kini pun masih tersisa sejumlah kelompok masyarakat yang tak perduli dengan hal yang berbau modern. Kelompok masyarakat yang menggambarkan kondisi tersebut adalah masyarakat adat yang hidup dalam sebuah lingkungan adat yang sangat dipatuhinya. Mereka hidup dalam kelompok yang memisahkan diri secara formal dari tatanan budaya pada umumnya, seperti :

1. Kelompok Masyarakat adat Kampung Kuta di Cisaga Kabupaten Ciamis
2. Kelompok Masyarakat adat Kampung Naga di Salawu Kabupaten Tasikmalaya
3. Kelompok Masyarakat adat Kampung Pulo Panjang di Leles / Cangkuang Kab. Garut
4. Kelompok Masyarakat adat Kampung Dukuh di Pemungpeuk Kabupaten Garut
5. Kelompok Masyarakat adat Kampung Mahmud di Margahayu Kabupaten Bandung
6. Kelompok Masyarakat adat Kampung Ciptarasa, Bayah, Citorek, Cicemet, Sirnarasa, di Palabuhanratu Kabupaten Sukabumi
7. Kelompok Masyarakat adat Kampung Urug di Kiarapandak - Cigudeg Kabupaten Bogor
8. Kelompok Masyarakat adat Kampung Baduy / Kanekes di Leuwidamar Kabupaten Lebak.

Kampung-kampung adat tersebut di atas merupakan perkampungan yang dihuni oleh sekelompok masyarakat yang sangat kuat dalam memegang adat istiadatnya. Hal itu akan terlihat jelas perbedaannya bila dibandingkan dengan masyarakat lain di luar kampung tersebut. Masyarakat Kampung adat, hidup pada suatu tatanan yang dikondisikan dalam suatu kesahajaan dan lingkungan kearifan tradisional yang lekat. Dengan demikian, Kampung adat adalah potret masyarakat yang mampu melepaskan keterikatan akan perkembangan modernisasi juga pengaruh globalisasi informasi yang tengah melanda seluruh pelosok dunia.

Dengan ciri fisik seperti bentuk rumah yang masih mempergu-nakan arsitektur tradisional dan dengan segala bentuk pantangan yang harus dipatuhi tanpa reserve. Kesahajaan hidup dan lingkungan kearifan tradisional adalah ciri mandiri dalam segala tingkah lakunya, sehingga dinamika hidupnya selalu diwarnai oleh keterikatan dirinya akan pedoman hidup yang telah mempranata dan merupakan harta kekayaan yang tak ternilai harganya. Masyarakat Kampung adat dengan kearifannya mampu bertahan hidup 'survive' dan tidak melepaskan kekhasannya yang menjadi ciri mandiri jati dirinya.
Atas dasar hal tersebut di atas, maka sangat diperlukan informasi, pengetahuan, dan pemahaman tentang kondisi budaya yang dimiliki setiap kelompok masyarakat tersebut, dalam rangka mengisi dan memperkaya khasanah budaya Indonesia umumnya dan Jawa Barat khususnya. Untuk sedikit gambaran mengenai kehidupan masyarakat adat, di bawah ini akan penulis paparkan gambaran Kampung adat Naga di Tasikmalaya.

Kampung Adat Naga di Tasikmalaya

Kampung Naga itu sendiri secara administratif berada di wilayah Desa Neglasari, Kecamatan Salawu, Kabupaten Tasikmalaya, Provinsi Jawa Barat. Dari Tasikmalaya menuju Kampung adat Naga berjarak 30 km, sedangkan dari Garut jaraknya 26 km. Adapun letak Desa Neglasari ke berbagai pusat pemerintahan, di antaranya ke ibukota kecamatan jaraknya mencapai 5 km, yang dapat ditempuh dalam waktu 15 menit; ke ibukota kabupaten berjarak 33 km dengan waktu tempuh 1 jam; sedangkan ke ibukota provinsi jaraknya mencapai 80 km yang bisa ditempuh dalam waktu 3 jam. Menurut data potensi desa, bentuk permukaan tanah wilayah Desa Neglasari berupa perbukitan dengan produktivitas tanah bisa dikatagorikan sedang. Dari luas wilayah yang ada, sebagian besar digunakan untuk pertanian tanah kering, ladang, dan tegalan. Adapun selebihnya terpakai untuk perumahan dan pekarangan; sawah yang terdiri atas sawah teknis, sawah setengah teknis, dan sawah sederhana; serta peruntukan lainnya seperti pekuburan, tanah desa, dan sebagian lagi merupakan tanah milik negara.

Penduduk Desa Neglasari tinggal tersebar di 4 Rukun Warga (RW) yang terbagi lagi ke dalam 19 Rukun Tetangga (RT). Salah satu RW dan RT-nya adalah perkampungan adat Naga. Dalam kehidupan masyarakat di desa tersebut agama Islam merupakan satu-satunya agama yang dianut dan dijadikan sebagai pedoman hidup oleh mereka. Oleh karena itu, tak mengherankan kalau nuansa Islami begitu kental mewarnai berbagai aspek kehidupan masyarakat di desa tersebut. Keselarasan dan keharmonisan hubungan antarwarga masyarakat terjalin dengan baik, sehingga mereka terjaga dari hal-hal yang dapat mengganggu kedamaian hidup mereka.

Untuk menjaga kelangsungan hidup, masyarakat Kampung Naga memiliki sumber mata pencaharian yang cukup beragam. Namun demikian, sebagian besar dari mereka lebih banyak yang menggantungkan hidupnya pada bidang pertanian tanah sawah dan perladangan tanah kering, baik yang statusnya sebagai petani pemilik, petani penggarap, maupun buruh tani. Adapun diversifikasi matapencaharian lainnya yang ditekuni masyarakat Desa Neglasari bisa dikatakan cukup bervariasi, mulai dari perajin, petani, tukang cukur, dukun bayi, pedagang, hingga pegawai negeri.

Kampung Naga merupakan sebuah potret kehidupan yang tampak spesifik dan khas dalam menjalankan roda kehidupan sehari-hari. Masyarakat Kampung Naga yang begitu kukuh memegang falsafah hidup yang diwariskan oleh nenek moyang mereka dari generasi yang satu ke generasi berikutnya, tampak tak bergeming terhadap apa yang terjadi di luar kehidupan mereka. Padahal sebagaimana kita ketahui pada era globalisasi yang melanda seluruh dunia seperti sekarang ini, sungguh tidaklah mudah untuk menepis dan menyeleksi berbagai unsur budaya luar yang masuk ke dalamnya. Modernisasi pada berbagai aspek kehidupan pun tidak bisa dielakkan lagi, terjadi baik disengaja maupun tidak. Meskipun gelombang modernisasi melanda berbagai kelompok masyarakat, tak terkecuali masyarakat yang berada di sekitar perkampungan masyarakat Kampung Naga, tidak berarti mereka pun harus hanyut di dalamnya. Mereka tetap hidup sebagaimana adanya dengan tetap mempertahankan eksistensi mereka yang khas.

Keteguhan mereka dalam memegang akar budaya yang dijadikan sebagai pedoman hidup masyarakat Kampung Naga, teraktualisasikan melalui berbagai aspek kehidupan seperti dalam sistem religi, sistem pengetahuan, sistem ekonomi, sistem teknologi, dan sistem kemasyarakatan yang semuanya terangkum ke dalam sistem budaya masyarakat Kampung Naga. Masyarakat Kampung Naga juga mempercayai bahwa benda-benda pusaka peninggalannya mempunyai kekuatan magis. Benda-benda pusaka itu disimpan di tempat suci atau Bumi Ageung yang merupakan bangunan pertama yang didirikan di Kampung adat Naga. Selanjutnya, dari masa ke masa bangunan tersebut dirawat serta diurus oleh seorang wanita tua yang masih dekat garis keturunannya.

Meskipun penduduk Kampung Naga dan sa-Naga adalah penganut agama Islam yang taat, mereka pun tetap memegang teguh adat istiadat yang telah turun temurun. Sebagai rasa hormat kepada nenek moyangnya, mereka menjalankan dan memelihara adat istiadat itu. Kendati pun mereka dianggap sebagai masyarakat yang teguh memegang adat istiadat, masih memungkinkan bagi mereka untuk menerima pengaruh dari luar sepanjang tidak merusak atau mengganggu kehidupan adat istiadat warisan budaya nenek moyang mereka. Mereka mempunyai pancen untuk memelihara dan melestarikan budayanya. Apabila dilanggar, berarti durhaka kepada nenek moyang yang seharusnya mereka junjung tinggi. Mereka mengatakan sieun doraka 'takut durhaka'.

Dari uraian di atas, mengenai salah satu kampung adat, yaitu Kampung Adat Naga yang ada di Kabupaten Tasikmalaya, kita dapat mengetahui bahwa unsur-unsur kebudayaan (sistem pengetahuan) yang dimiliki suatu komunitas masyarakat kecil akan berbeda bila dibandingkan dengan komunitas masyarakat yang lebih besar. Hal itu disebabkan karena kebudayaan dipandang sebagai sesuatu yang bersifat dinamis, bukan sesuatu yang bersifat kaku atau statis. Demikian pula pengertian tentang kebudayaan, bukan lagi sebagai sekumpulan barang seni atau benda-benda, tapi kebudayaan akan selalu dikaitkan dengan gerak hidup manusia dalam kegiatannya, seperti membuat peralatan hidup, norma-norma, sistem pengetahuan, sistem jaringan sosial, kehidupan ekonomi, sistem religi atau kepercayaan, adat istiadat, serta seperangkat aturan yang masih didukung oleh masyarakat tersebut.

Selanjutnya, bahwa kehidupan di seluruh masyarakat kampung adat yang ada di Jawa Barat, memang terlihat agak eksklusif dibanding dengan masyarakat sekelilingnya. Mereka masih melakukan tradisi kehidupan yang sederhana sesuai dengan pedoman hidupnya. Sehingga wujud kebudayaan yang spesifik sangat berpengaruh pada pola-pola kehidupan, bahkan menjadi pedoman bagi kelangsungan hidup anggota masyarakatnya.

Dalam perkembangan selanjutnya, masyarakat kampung-kampung adat yang terkurung oleh gelombang modernisasi, tidak membiarkan diri hanyut di dalamnya. Mereka berupaya mempertahankan eksistensinya melalui kekuatan spiritual, seperti yang tercermin dalam norma-norma yang dijadikan sebagai pedoman hidupnya. Secara tidak sadar mereka mengaktualisasikan diri melalui sistem pengetahuan tradisional yang menjadi dasar dan pedoman akan kesadaran moral, keyakinan religius, kesadaran nasional, dan kemasya-rakatan yang berlaku dalam kehidupan sehari-hari.

Dari uraian di atas, dapat disimpulkan bahwa sistem pengetahuan suatu masyarakat, merupakan identifikasi dari tinggi rendahnya peradaban yang dimiliki masyarakat tersebut. Maka dengan demikian sistem pengetahuan dapat pula dijadikan barometer bagi tinggi rendahnya budaya suatu bangsa. Hal itu disebabkan karena sistem pengetahuan merupakan aktualisasi dari segala sikap dan perilaku manusia atau masyarakat yang secara empiris dapat dirasakan, dilaksanakan, dilestarikan, dan dipedomani sebagai sesuatu yang dapat memberikan keseimbangan dalam kehidupannya.

Sistem pengetahuan ini pun mengatur seluruh aktivitas hidup dan kehidupan untuk keseimbangan dan berinteraksi antara manusia dengan manusia, manusia dengan masyarakatnya, manusia dengan alam lingkungannya, dan manusia dengan Tuhannya. Oleh karena itu, sistem pengetahuan suatu masyarakat tercakup dalam segala aspek yang mengatur hidup dan perilaku manusia.

Begitu pula sistem pengetahuan yang ada dan dimiliki oleh masyarakat adat Kampung-kampung adat di Jawa Barat, adalah merupakan manifestasi dan aktualisasi dari seluruh aktivitas masyarakatnya dalam berinteraksi untuk mencari keseimbangan baik dirinya - orang per orang - maupun orang dengan alam sekelilingnya. Bahkan di samping itu, sistem pengetahuan ini dapat pula dijadikan sebagai benteng dalam menghadapi arus budaya luar yang mencoba memasuki wilayah budaya miliknya. Dengan kata lain bahwa pengetahuan mengenai pamali, teu wasa, buyut, atau tabu yang berlaku di kampung-kampung adat merupakan salah satu bentuk penyeimbang dalam berinteraksinya. Pandangan mengenai masyarakat kampung adat adalah masyarakat yang kuat memegang tradisi warisan nenek moyangnya adalah benar, tetapi masyarakat kampung adat tersebut tidak mengisolir diri dari masyarakat di sekitarnya, mereka bersama-sama dengan anggota masyarakat lain ikut berpartisipasi secara aktif. Mereka berintegrasi dengan masyarakat lainnya terutama dalam kepentingan hidup bersama untuk mencapai kesejahteraan bersama pula. Ketentuan-ketentuan adat seperti pamali, tabu atau lebih dikenal lagi dengan sebutan pantangan dan sebagainya hanya berlaku bagi orang-orang di lingkungan kampung adat sendiri.

Bentuk-bentuk penyeimbang lainnya dapat dilihat dari nilai-nilai yang terdapat dalam ungkapan sehari-hari sebagai pedoman hidupnya khususnya untuk Kampung Naga, seperti yang tertuang dalam tiga kata : amanat, wasiat, dan akibat. Ketiga ungkapan ini adalah bentuk pengetahuan yang harus ditaati, dilaksanakan, dan dipedomani sebagai ajaran yang mengandung kristalisasi nilai-nilai luhur kehidupannya. Ketiga ungkapan itu mengandung fungsi nilai-nilai filosofis di samping fungsi sosial dan fungsi nilai religius magis.

Kampung-kampung adat di Jawa Barat yang memiliki ciri-ciri keunikan tersendiri, kukuh dalam memegang falsafah hidup, tak bergeming akan perubahan jaman; di mana gelombang modernisasi dan globalisasi yang terus melanda. Arus modernisasi dan globalisasi telah membawa perubahan yang menggilas seluruh aspek kehidupan, sehingga kita sebagai manusia yang hidup di jamannya secara langsung ikut pula dalam perubahan-nya, baik yang terjadi dalam tata nilai maupun dalam norma-norma. Salah satu dampaknya membuat manusia menjadi schinzofrenia 'terpecah kepribadiannya', dan menyebabkan terjadinya pergeseran nilai sakral menjadi profan.

Kampung-kampung adat jika dikaji dari segi budaya, termasuk kampung adat yang mampu mempertahankan eksistensinya dari generasi ke generasi. Walaupun dalam perjalanan sejarahnya Kampung-kampung adat tersebut pernah menghadapi berbagai masalah bahkan sampai sekarang di mana era globalisasi melanda dunia, mereka tak bergeming dalam kepatuhan dan kelestarian sistem budaya yang dianut sejak dahulu. Budaya yang mengatur semua gerak langkahnya, adalah benteng yang kokoh dan menjadi pegangan erat kaumnya. Sehingga nuansa perubahan di luar dirinya tidak menjadi beban berat.

Kelestarian budaya masyarakat kampung adat dapat diukur dari potret kesahajaan hidup dalam menghadapi gelombang modernisasi. Mereka hidup dalam kesederhanaan, akan tetapi di balik kesederhanaan itu tercermin kebebasan dan kearifan yang sangat dalam. Sistem pengetahuan tradisionalnya adalah gambaran kekayaan batin mereka, dan itu merupakan barometer betapa tinggi budaya mereka, sehingga merupakan panutan bagi masyarakatnya.

Dalam sistem kepemimpinan pada umumnya, di kampung-kampung adat bersifat kokolot sentris, puun sentris, olot sentris, atau kuncen sentris, artinya segala bentuk kegiatan selalu berpusat kepada mereka selaku pimpinan yang secara turun menurun. Kampung adat sebagai pranata sosial memberikan ciri bahwa adat istiadat adalah ciri utamanya. Sehingga regenerasi pun akan terus berlanjut dari generasi yang satu ke generasi yang lainnya.

Sejalan dengan kehidupan dewasa ini, sebagian dari masyarakat kampung adat mampu berintegrasi dengan situasi dan kondisi masyarakat di luar. Dalam kehidupan sehari-hari, dewasa ini sudah mulai menerima bentuk-bentuk perubahan. Bentuk perubahannya tidak mendasar ke dalam bentuk tradisi, misalnya dengan kehadiran TV, bentuk rumah yang lebih artistik --dibanding dengan bentuk rumah yang lain--, radio, bentuk rumah dengan mempergunakan kaca, dan asesoris interior rumah (kehadiran kursi tamu). Hal itu diakui secara langsung oleh masyarakat. Apabila jauh mengusik dan menerobos tradisi, mereka tetap khawatir akan akibatnya.

Kearifan dalam menghadapi tantangan alam, di mana faktor alam sangat dibutuhkan, mereka dengan arif melaksanakan sistem teknologi penjagaan alam yang alami, dengan menjaga leuweung tutupan, leuweung larangan, atau leuweung karamat sebagai penyeimbang sehingga terjadi keselarasan antara kelestarian hutan lindung dengan manusia. Di samping itu dalam menyelaraskan hidup dengan keadaan alam -- karena keadaan kampung adat sebagian besar yang ada di Jawa Barat terletak di sebuah lengkob 'lembah' dengan kontur tanah yang bertebing, (lihat kampung adat Naga, Dukuh, Kuta, dan Urug) dan sebagian lagi ada di badan bukit, seperti Kampung Adat Ciptarasa-- maka penyesuaian dalam mendirikan rumah, mereka membuat sengked batu 'trap-trap dari batu' antara pelataran rumah yang satu dengan rumah yang lainnya. Bahkan dalam pembuatan rumah pun menabukan tembok, untuk menjaga kestabilan tanah.

Bukan suatu kebetulan bahwa dalam Kampung Adat, kita menemukan kearifan-kearifan dan nilai-nilai falsafah hidup dalam menjaga kelestarian tradisi yang telah melembaga, karena mereka menyadari bahwa hanya dengan melestarikan tradisinyalah eksistensi hidupnya akan lebih mantap. Kampung-kampung adat merupakan kampung yang memiliki keunikan tersendiri; khususnya dalam nilai-nilai luhur dan falsafah hidup, dalam menjalankan salah satu tradisi Sunda yang dipedomani sebagai satu ajaran oleh masyarakatnya.

Budaya yang dipedomaninya, merupakan pegangan anggota masyarakat yang relevan dengan situasi dan kondisi alam sekitarnya. Bahkan menjadi benteng penghalang bagi pergeseran nilai-nilai yang diakibatkan adanya gelombang modernisasi dan globalisasi.

Kampung-kampung adat sebagai kampung tradisional dapat dijadikan sebuah musium budaya, karena memiliki keunikan budaya. Keunikan budaya ini adalah mozaik budaya Jawa Barat khususnya dan Indonesia umumnya yang sangat penting bagi para pakar untuk mengungkap lebih jauh nilai-nilai dan falsafah hidup manusia dalam memberikan informasi bagi kekayaan nilai-nilai budaya Indonesia umumnya.


DAFTAR PUSTAKA
Harsoyo, 1982, Pengantar Antropologi, Bina Cipta, Bandung
Keontjaraningrat, 1983, Kebudayaan Mentalitas dan Pembangunan, jakarta, Gramedia.
Nandang Rusnandar, Drs. Dkk. 1992, Ungkapan Tradisional yang Mengandung Nilai Moral dan Nilai Tabu atau Magis di Masyarakat Kampung Kuta Kabupaten Ciamis dan Kampung-kampung adat Kabupaten Tasikmalaya di Jawa Barat, Balai kajian Sejarah dan Nilai Tradisional Bandung.
Teguh Meinanda dan D. Akhmad 1981, Tanya Jawab Pengantar Antropologi, CV. Armico, Bandung.
T.O. Ihromi (Ed), 1980, Pokok-pokok Antropologi, Gramedia, Jakarta.
Yudistira Garna, 1980, Makalah : Perubahan Sosial di Indonesia, Tradisi, Akomodasi, dan Modernisasi (Simposium Kebudayaan Indonesia-Malaysia III di Bandung).

 
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